“Democrats will not be responsible for this bill failing,” said Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), ranking member of the House Appropriations Committee, when asked Thursday whether Democrats would support a procedural hurdle, known as the rule, that moves the foreign aid package out of the House Rules Committee and onto the floor.

Instead of the complex four-part plan he laid out earlier this week, Johnson now intends to try to pass five bills: one for aid to Ukraine, one for Israel and one for Indo-Pacific allies, as well as a list of GOP wishes on foreign policy priorities and a fifth stand-alone bill to address widespread Republican demands to strengthen the United States’ southern border. Republican leaders announced that the House would remain in session until Saturday to consider the bills.

Johnson must rely on Democratic votes to ensure his plan succeeds, a tactic he has employed several times during his roughly six months as president because hardline Republicans will not back him. Republicans can only lose two votes to pass anything given their slim majority, which will be reduced to one vote once Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-Wis.) resigns this weekend.

Earlier this week, the president’s allies had tried to find a way forward without Democratic help. No such path was found and the speaker had to decide whether to move forward with his plan, knowing that it would probably conclude with an attempt to overthrow him.

All eyes are now on House Democrats. During their second caucus meeting this week, Democrats discussed how they could help Republicans pass the foreign aid bills that remain a priority for them and President Biden, who is behind the president’s plan. But Democratic leaders did not firmly commit their members to support the measure as they wait to see what Republicans will do at a Rules Committee meeting.

The foreign aid bills closely mirror a Senate package and, if passed, will likely be sent to the Senate for a vote. Biden has said he will sign the measures as soon as they reach his desk.

But Johnson’s plan has plunged an already bitterly divided Republican conference into further turmoil. On Wednesday night, the House Rules Committee recessed without advancing the border bill because three Republican committee members – Reps. Chip Roy (Texas), Thomas Massie (Kentucky) and Ralph Norman (Okla.) – were about to sink the vote.

On Thursday morning, Roy, Norman and other members of the House Freedom Caucus were defiant, insisting they would do everything they could to stymie Johnson’s bills during a procedural vote later that day.

“We voted against the rules, which is supposed to be a no-no,” Norman said. “But the fact is that our country is at stake… and we are not going to evade it, not now or ever, as long as we are up here.”

Johnson’s tactic of passing five individual bills is already setting off the president, whose six-month hold on the gavel is threatened by Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene’s (R-Ga.) promise to invoke a “motion to override.” “To overthrow Johnson if he puts aid to Ukraine on the ground, something many far-right Republicans oppose.

On Wednesday night, Greene described the Ukraine bill as “an inflated fantasy idea invited by Mike Johnson,” while Roy echoed the argument many Republicans have made: that the United States needs to secure its border with Mexico. before worrying about Ukraine.

“Declaring it a historic moment doesn’t necessarily mean it is,” Roy said.

At a news conference on Wednesday night, Johnson was visibly emotional when asked why he had chosen to try to pass the foreign aid package at this time.

“Listen, my philosophy is that you do the right thing and let the chips fall where they may. … If I operated out of fear of an eviction motion, I would never be able to do my job,” he said. “This is a critical moment right now. … I can make a selfish decision and do something different. But I’m doing what I think is right here.”

Greene said Wednesday night that she would not disrupt the relief package process by bringing up the move to unseat Johnson. But he also refused to commit to doing so afterwards.

Indeed, the stakes are high for the speaker as he works to navigate a bitterly divided Republican conference. Some members openly oppose aid to Ukraine without first securing the border with the United States, while others believe that aid, along with money for Israel, is a critical national security priority; Additionally, some Republicans question the speaker’s leadership style. For Johnson, this is a dead end: if aid to Ukraine is considered, what will surely follow will be a move to wrest the gavel from him.

Demoralized Republicans walked out of a four-hour meeting of Johnson and his allies on Tuesday night, before the release of the latest proposal, having failed to chart a path for foreign aid that would be carried out by Republicans instead. to depend on the Democrats. Several people familiar with the meeting, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss internal dynamics, said the session enlightened them and Johnson about the consequences of moving the foreign aid package: all could lead to his removal from office.

“The battle lines were very clear in the end,” said one Republican. “It was made very clear that (the override motion) will be brought forward if the president’s plan moves forward.”

Still, Johnson acted, telling Republicans in a text message to colleagues Wednesday morning that after “significant feedback and discussions from members” this week, the House would move forward with its plan, with some significant changes. On Wednesday he released the text of legislation on aid to Ukraine, Israel, Indo-Pacific allies, border security and other foreign policy priorities.

The three separate bills funding military aid to Israel, Ukraine and Taiwan largely mirror the $95 billion national security supplement passed by the Senate. The House legislation converts a portion of the aid, money sent directly to Ukraine, into a loan and is supported by former President Donald Trump. It also includes just over $9 billion in humanitarian aid for Gaza, the West Bank, Ukraine and other places in need, which Democrats have demanded as a condition of any support from them.

Johnson signaled late Wednesday that there would likely be an amendment to the package to withdraw humanitarian aid, something he said “concerns” him.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) on Wednesday night called on Republicans to introduce the foreign aid package, but did not commit Democratic support for the measures.

“The time has come for the House of Representatives to act and act decisively,” Jeffries said. “We can confront Russian aggression in defense of democracy or we can allow extremist, pro-Putin MAGA Republicans to appease” the Russian leader.

Jeffries said Democrats will “evaluate” the process and final product, including amendments, before making a decision on how to move forward.

However, the speaker’s proposal received a big boost from President Biden on Wednesday afternoon. Biden said he “strongly” supports the proposal and encouraged the House and Senate to quickly send it his way.

“I will sign this into law immediately to send a message to the world: We stand with our friends and will not allow Iran or Russia to succeed,” he said in a statement that will likely influence Democrats to back the plan and amplify Party outrage. Republican against him.